"पश्चिमी तट": अवतरणों में अंतर

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पंक्ति 6:
| data1 = {{plainlist|
* [[फ़िलिस्तीनी राज्यक्षेत्र|फिलिस्तीन]] ([[ओस्लो-II करार में पश्चिमी किनारे के क्षेत्र| में दावा किए गए क्षेत्र अ (हरा) और नियंत्रित क्षेत्र ब (लाल)]])
* [[इस्राइल]] (एकतरफा रूप से जोड़ा गया [[पूर्वी येरूशलमयरुशलम]] (नीला), इस्राइल-अधिकृत क्षेत्र के रूप में अंतरराष्ट्रीय मान्यता)
* क्षेत्र स (गुलाबी) (इस्राइल द्वारा अधिकृत और नियंत्रित)
}}
पंक्ति 36:
फिलिस्तीन लिबरेशन ऑर्गनाइजेशन और इस्राइल के बीच हस्ताक्षर किए गए ओस्लो समझौते ने प्रत्येक क्षेत्र के भीतर फिलिस्तीनी स्वायत्तता के विभिन्न स्तरों के साथ प्रशासनिक जिले बनाए। क्षेत्र 'स' जो पश्चिमी किनारे का लगभग 60% से अधिक है पर इस्राइल ने पूर्ण नागरिक और सुरक्षा नियंत्रण बनाए रखा है।<ref name=worldbank>{{cite web|title=Area C and the future of Palestinian economy|url=https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/16686/AUS29220REPLAC0EVISION0January02014.pdf?sequence=1|publisher=World Bank|access-date=7 September 2015}}</ref>
 
पश्चिमी किनारा जिसमें पूर्वी येरुशलमयरुशलम शामिल है लगभग 5,640 वर्ग किमी का भू-भाग और 220 वर्ग किमी का जल क्षेत्र है, जिसमें मृत सागर के उत्तर-पश्चिमी चतुर्थांश शामिल है। जुलाई 2017 तक इसकी अनुमानित आबादी 27,47,943 फिलिस्तीनियों और लगभग 3,91,000 इस्राइलियों और पूर्वी येरुशलमयरुशलम में लगभग 2,01,200 इस्राइलियों की है। अंतर्राष्ट्रीय समुदाय पश्चिमी किनाने में इस्राइली बस्तियों को मान्यता देता है, जिसमें पूर्वी येरुशलमयरुशलम शामिल है हालाँकि यह अंतर्राष्ट्रीय कानून के तहत अवैध है, हालांकि इस्राइल केइसे अनुसारवैध यहमानता वैध हैं।है।<ref>{{Cite journal|title=Prolonged Military Occupation: The Israeli-Occupied Territories Since 1967|last1=Roberts|first1=Adam|author-link=Adam Roberts (scholar)|journal=The American Journal of International Law|volume=84|issue=1|pages=85–86|quote=The international community has taken a critical view of both deportations and settlements as being contrary to international law. General Assembly resolutions have condemned the deportations since 1969, and have done so by overwhelming majorities in recent years. Likewise, they have consistently deplored the establishment of settlements, and have done so by overwhelming majorities throughout the period (since the end of 1976) of the rapid expansion in their numbers. The Security Council has also been critical of deportations and settlements; and other bodies have viewed them as an obstacle to peace, and illegal under international law... Although East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights have been brought directly under Israeli law, by acts that amount to annexation, both of these areas continue to be viewed by the international community as occupied, and their status as regards the applicability of international rules is in most respects identical to that of the West Bank and Gaza.|doi=10.2307/2203016|jstor=2203016|year=1990|s2cid=145514740|url=http://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/8aaa/455b51d4c49285089a97a08496071e322877.pdf}}</ref><ref name=maj>{{Cite book|title=The Italian Yearbook of International Law|volume=14|year=2005|editor1-last=Conforti|editor1-first=Benedetto|editor2-last=Bravo|editor2-first=Luigi|first1=Marco|last1=Pertile|chapter='Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory': A Missed Opportunity for International Humanitarian Law?|publisher=Martinus Nijhoff Publishers|isbn=978-90-04-15027-0|page=141|quote=the establishment of the Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory has been considered illegal by the international community and by the majority of legal scholars.}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|journal=International Journal of Constitutional Law|title=Israel: The security barrier—between international law, constitutional law, and domestic judicial review|volume=4|last1=Barak-Erez|first1=Daphne|author-link=Daphne Barak Erez|year=2006|page=548|quote=The real controversy hovering over all the litigation on the security barrier concerns the fate of the Israeli settlements in the occupied territories. Since 1967, Israel has allowed and even encouraged its citizens to live in the new settlements established in the territories, motivated by religious and national sentiments attached to the history of the Jewish nation in the land of Israel. This policy has also been justified in terms of security interests, taking into consideration the dangerous geographic circumstances of Israel before 1967 (where Israeli areas on the Mediterranean coast were potentially threatened by Jordanian control of the West Bank ridge). The international community, for its part, has viewed this policy as patently illegal, based on the provisions of the Fourth Geneva Convention that prohibit moving populations to or from territories under occupation.|issue=3|doi=10.1093/icon/mol021|doi-access=free}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|chapter=Self-determination and population transfer|last1=Drew|first1=Catriona|title=Human rights, self-determination and political change in the occupied Palestinian territories|volume=52|series=International studies in human rights|editor-last=Bowen|editor-first=Stephen|publisher=Martinus Nijhoff Publishers|year=1997|isbn=978-90-411-0502-8|pages=151–152|quote=It can thus clearly be concluded that the transfer of Israeli settlers into the occupied territories violates not only the laws of belligerent occupation but the Palestinian right of self-determination under international law. The question remains, however, whether this is of any practical value. In other words, given the view of the international community that the Israeli settlements are illegal under the law if belligerent occupation, what purpose does it serve to establish that an additional breach of international law has occurred?}}</ref> अंतरराष्ट्रीय न्यायालय के परामर्शी निर्णय (2004) के अनुसार 1967 के इस्राइली कब्ज़े के बाद घटित होने वाली घटनायें जिनमें येरुशलम'यरुशलम कानून', जॉर्डन के साथ इस्राइल की शांति संधि और ओस्लो समझौते शामिल हैं, ने पश्चिमी किनारे की स्थिति में कोई बदलाव नहीं किया है।
==सन्दर्भ==
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